Chapter 2 – In Colonial Days

For nearly fifty years at the establishment of St. Andrew’s Society, South Carolina remained the province in the British Empire. In these years Charles Town departed rapidly from the primitive ways of the frontier. A gateway, as it were, of the new frontier which now lay to the west and a common ground upon which the old and the new worlds met and blended, its life became complex – compounded of all the elements which went into the making of the colonial South. With maturity and complexity came social refinement, greater wealth, wider interests. In an association such as the St. Andrew’s Society these things naturally found reflection. In acts of charity reflect the darker side – the shadows of life in the old city; its meetings “to cultivate a good understanding and acquaintance” among the members disclose a colonial masculine society at its best.

The record for these years is not as complete as one could wish. The minutes of the society, ordinarily the main reliance in writing the history of an organization, are entirely wanting. The newspapers of the day seldom gave space to accounts of society meetings, and, therefore, cannot be relied upon to supply this deficiency. On the other hand, as if in compensation for this loss, miscellaneous papers, a much greater number than one would expect, have survived. Numerous petitions for assistance, frequently bearing the secretary’s notation as to the action of the society, and an occasional treasurer’s report give a fair idea of the nature and extent of its charity. The roster which every member was required to sign, arrears lists, and lists of those present at meetings furnished an almost adequate notion of its membership. A tavern-keeper’s bill, a report of the stewards, meager though they may seem, often tell much of an anniversary dinner. From these papers it has even been possible to recover many of the names of officers which have long been forgotten. Though more difficult to interpret than a journal of proceedings, this evidence permits a fairly satisfactory reconstruction of the activities of the society in this period. Moreover, the original rules remain substantially unchanged until 1796, and it appears that the members govern themselves strictly in accordance with them.1 

Of the meetings there were four in each year – on the last days of February, May, and August, and on St. Andrew’s Day, except when these dates fell on Sunday, then the meeting was held on the Monday following. These took place, as the rules stipulate, “at some convenient house in Charles Town.”  The members were warned, at first, 10 days in advance “by an Advertisement affixed on the Watchhouse,” which stood on the modern battery,2 later by a notice often repeated in the gazettes, the first of which made its appearance shortly after the society was established.3 Seriously did these first signs of St. Andrew take their responsibilities.  Every one, if resident in the province at the time of the meeting and unable to attend, was required to make “reasonable excuse to the President or Vice-President at least three Days before meeting, or otherwise for every Default on St. Andrew’s Day he shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling, and for every other default Five shillings sterling.”  Likewise any officer-elect who decline to serve was finable in the sum of twenty shillings.  But their interest probably needed no such stimulus if one they judge the quality of the meetings from the following description of the one of 1732:

“The 30th of Nov. last being St. Andrew’s Day, and the Anniversary Meeting of St. Andrew’s Club his Excellency the Governor, Robert Wright, Esq.; Chief Justice, Capt. James Lloyd, Alex. Skene, Eleazer Alan, Wm. Saxby, Esqrs. And above 40 other members residing in this Province, met at the house of Mr. Henry Gignilliat, where a handsome entertainment, of about 40 Dishes, was provided for Supper.  When after reading the Rules of the Society, &c. the ten following Gentlemen were proposed,  voted, and admitted as new members, viz. Capt. Tho. Griffin, Commander of his majesty’s ship Shoreham, Mr. James Douglass, Lieutenant of said Ship, Dan Welshuysen, Esq., The Rev. Mr. Edw. Dyson, A.M., the Rev. Archb. Stobo, the Rev. Mr. John Witherspoon, Dr. Robt. Smith, Mr. Wm. Stobo, Mr. Wm. Swinton, and Mr. James Michie.  And at the same time the following officers were chose for the year ensuing, Alexander Skene, Esq., President, Mr. John Fraser, Vice-President, Mr. James Crokatt, Treasurer, Mr. James Graeme, Assistant, Mr. James Michie, Secretary.

N.B.  The total subscriptions made to this club since the 30th of Nov. 1730 when the club begun, is now £700 Currency, and the money given by them in Charity &c is above £460 a good part of which Charity is defrayed by the Quarterly payment due by each Member of 7s 6d.

As the principal Design of this Club is to assist all People in Distress, of whatsoever Nation or Profession they may be, its not doubted their Number and Stock will continue to increase.”4

Their number did increase rapidly. The Society did not restrict its membership to Scotsmen or persons of Scottish descent. Among the names of its founders are a few which are obviously not Scottish, and its rules expressly provided that “any Man of Honour and Integrity, of what Nation, Degree or Profession soever” might be admitted by “a majority of the Members met at either of the Quarterly Meetings.”  Scottish names – Stuarts, McGillivrays, Crokatts, McKenzies, and Moultries – are, however, sufficiently numerous in the lists of this. To ensure one that the Society was never in the danger of losing his Scottish character. In fact it seems, in spite of the presence in its membership of men of other nationalities, to have been generally regarded as a society of Scotchmen.5  The number of members appears at no time to have been less than seventy-five and in 1774 it exceeded one hundred.6  Among the five hundred and thirty-seven names which are recorded on the lists from 1729 to 1776,7 there are many which are prominently associated with the history of South Carolina – the governors, Robert Johnson, James Glen, and William Henry Lyttleton; John Stuart, the superintendent of Indian affairs; Robert Wells, the journalist; Rev. Alexander Hewatt, the historian; and James Michie, a speaker of the Commons House of Assembly.  Others, such as John Moultrie, a governor and a lieutenant governor of East Florida, have places in the annals of the neighboring states.  Oucconastotah, the Great Warrior and Chief of the Cherokee Nation, apparently so highly regarded his membership that he carefully preserved this certificate of admission for many years.8  The majority of members were doubtless residence of the colony, but on occasion those who had come on some temporary mission – government official from the mother-country or the officers of a military command passing through the city – were admitted as a courtesy which might please them. Together with these where many of humbler stations – James Kerr, the Vintner, Charles Shepheard and his successors Robert Dillon and William Holliday, keepers of a tavern on the corner of Broad and Church Streets.  On the whole it seems that these members were drawn from practically every class represented in the colony.

Likewise, the “Stock,” or rather the income, of the Society increased, as that of any company of Scotchmen might be expected to do. There was more than one source of revenue. The rules required an admission fee of “not less than Five Shillings Sterling” and quarterly dues of “not less than  One Shilling Sterling” – a broad and, it would seem, that a member should give according to his means. Whether hand or not, the effect was the same. Many gave generously. Of the ten members admitted in 1739 nine gave £5 and one £3.  Governor Glen pay on admission (1754) £50 and seems to have repeated this amount two years later. By 1746 – probably from custom, possibly by an amendment to the rules which has been lost – the members generally were paying annual dues of £1 10s and admission fees of £5. 9  The Society was the recipient in this. Of at least one bequest unless for some reason they wish of the donor was not fulfilled. By his will (1744) James Stewart, planter of St. John’s Parish and probably the same James Stewart who was admitted to the Society in 1731, provided that after the decease of his wife one half of his estate should go to the Society “for the use of the Poor to be Disposed by them.”10 The amount of this gift is not recorded, but from the inventory, which included thirteen slaves valued at from £40 to £175, it appears to have been considerable. Doubtless there were other bequests of a similar nature. Still another source of revenue for the charity fund is indicated in the following provision of the rules: “The Assistant as Occasion offers, shall with the Consent of the President or Vice-President, wait on all Gentlemen and others whom they shall think proper, to acquaint them with the charitable design of the Society, and modestly desire their Assistance and Concurrence therein.”  The following address, though it bears no signatures and may never have been circulated, suggest that this method was at times employed.


“Subscription, Humbly Soliciting the assistance of the Charitable Inhabitants of Charles Town in behalf of Mrs. Ann Gray – widow of Henry Gray a person who from a variety of Changes in Life not unknown to many of the principal Inhabitants of this town is now reduc’d to the greatest Necessity – with a number of Children to provide for.  Her present purpose is to keep a school and take Children from the Country as boarders – Therefore to Enable her to do this the Intent of this Subscription is to raise it possible as Much Money as will purchase her a wench, without wch her present Intention must Cease. 

Charles Town 30 Novr – 1772.”11 


If one be inclined to put faith in the tradition which assigns the Scot and uncanny shrewdness in money affairs, an examination of the careful provisions of the rules intended for the protection of the funds of the Society will convince him of his Scottish character. The treasurer, they required, “immediately after his Election shall become bound in an Obligation to the President, Vice-President and former Treasurer, or to either of them, and double the Value of the Society-Stock then to be put into his Hands, with condition to render to the Society a just and true Account of the same, and of all Donations, Quarterly-Payments, Forfeitures and Improvements thereof, (Fire and inevitable Accidents excepted) and to deliver the same to the Obligers or to the Order of the Society, or the next Treasurer…”  In order that their surplus funds might earn further revenue it was provided that “if at any time there shall be more Money in the Stock than the present Exigence of the Poor require, the Treasurer, with Consent of the President and Vice-President, may lend out the same at Interest, on good Security for the Repayment thereof, at any time not exceeding one Year, which Security shall be taken jointly, and severally in the Names of the President, Vice-President and Treasurer.”  What remained in the treasurer’s hands was to be “safely lodged” along with the rules, etc. in a “strong Box with a Lock and Key” which was “on St. Andrew’s Day to be produced to the Society at their Place of Meeting, to be there expected and examined by the Members.”

With the evidence available it would be impossible to state exactly the amount of the funds which were the carefully guarded and then applied to the Society’s principal design: “the Relief of indigent and Poor People.”  The data is sufficient, however, to indicate the policy of the Society in this respect and to give a fair idea of the extent of the relief which it afforded.  The income of the first two years was £700 of which £460 was immediately distributed.12 In 1747 there were six persons on the bounty list receiving sums ranging from £40 to “a coarse Coat and Britches and a pair of shoes and stockings” valued at £12 10s.  The next year five persons were given a total of £257 10s which occasioned an overdraft on the treasurer of £32 10s.  In 1765 ten were given £290, and in 1770 twenty-one pensioners received £235. The amounts varied from year to year in accordance with the calls upon the Society, but were in general nearly equal to the income of regular sources. It was evidently not the policy of the Society to accumulate a large reserve, but a surplus accrued from time to time. As early as 1744 the treasurer was able to “lend out” the sum of £823 13s 6d.  Much to the embarrassment of the Society this was not returned until twenty-three years later and then by the son of the borrower, but at that it was not a bad investment.13  when finally paid the amount, principal and interest, was no less than £2698 19s 6d.14  This, of course, was sadly reduced in the derangement of money affairs occasioned by the war.

The Society was as liberal in the selection of the objects of his charity as it was in the matter of membership. It is evident from the following clause of the rules that the intention was to extend relief in all cases which seem worthy and which came within its means:

“The Charity of the Society shall be distributed and apply’d in the following manner, viz. the President and Vice-President, during their Office, shall have Power to draw Orders, sign’d by both of them, on the Treasurer for the Time being, payable to such poor Persons as they shall judge proper Objects of the Society’s Charity, which the Treasurer shall immediately pay, provided the Sums so drawn for do not exceed Twenty shillings Sterling to anyone Person, and Ten Pounds Sterling in the whole during one Quarter; and of the said Draughts and Payments the Treasurer shall make Report at the next Meeting of the Members.  But war ending larger Sums the poor Person Shall be oblig’d to petition the Society at the next Quarterly Meeting, where the Members met shall have Power, by Plurality of Votes, to order the Payment of what Sums they shall think convenient, provided the same do not exceed Two Pounds Sterling in the whole during one Quarter, and the Consideration of the Payment of any larger Sums than those last mention’d shall be referr’d to the Anniversary Meeting of the Society on St. Andrew’s Day…..”

Frequently the supplicants for a who were Scotchmen or Scotchwomen emphasized their nationality doubtless in the belief that this gave them some special claim upon the Society, but there is no reason to believe that the members regarded it as such. Moreover, there were many of other nationalities who received assistance.15

The petitions of the supplicants, more than two hundred of which are preserved in the papers of the colonial period, assign such a variety of causes of distress, that one might well wonder if any other affliction could have descended upon the people of the eighteenth-century Charles Town.  These sister of a Scotch baronet was prevented from receiving a from her brother on account of “the late unhappy confusion in Scotland” [the rebellion of 1745].  A discouraged and homesick Scotchman was told by his physician that he could not recover from an ailment unless he returned to Scotland. A trader outward bound from North Carolina had lost a “Venture of about Thirty Pounds Sterling in Deerskins” when the ship had foundered.  A disconsolate woman was left without support when her “husband was drowned in the Charlestown River.”  There was another poor woman “unfortunately… married to a soldier in the Fusiliers who laying aside Conjugall affection and fatherly regard discarded her and left her with a helpless infant.”  In another instance the Society paid the fees for certifying a plat so that a practitioner might secure his grant of 400 acres of land. One man had the courage to complain to this group of Charlestonians that he was “afflicted with the disorders Incident to this Climate.”

A certain John Cuming, the man evidently of spirit, was the cause of considerable concern to the Society. He appears first in an order of the vice-president upon the Treasurer dated May 17, 1748 calling for the payment of £20 to Neomy, “wife to that unfortunate creature Cuming.” This evidently did not suffice Mr. Cuming’s needs, for the next day he wrote that he must have £10 11s 3d or he “must ly in prison.”  There is no record of the action on this request, but on May 27th he was allotted £15 for his support “while a prisoner at large.” Mr. Cuming does not appear in the records again until November 30, 1754 when he laid his grievances as follows before the Society:


“To the Hon’ble the President, and the rest of the Hon’ble members of St. Andrews Club, to meet at Charlestown, S. Carolina 30 November 1754. 

The Petition of John Cuming most humbly 


     That your Petitioner has been above 36 years in this Province, that he is poor, and has a small Family.  That he has no Negro to work for him, or plant his Provisions now in his old age, he being above 60 years old. 

That it is your Petitioner’s misfortune and happiness to live near a Rich Neighbour who (like Ahab King of Israel to Naboth) has oppressed, persecuted, Tyraniz’d and Domineer’d over yr: Petitioner and his poor family for above 7 years past, by Unjust, Unnecessary Litigations & vexatious Law Suits; bringing 17 warrants and two actions at Court agt: yr: Petitioner.  The effects of which were dismal and ruinous to yr: Petitioner & his poor Family and has reduc’d him and them to beggary. 



Your Petitioner having the warrants generally decided aft: him, and being cost [or cast] at Court in the several actions brought agt: him by his adversary: this occasion’d yr: Petitioner to be confin’d 5 several times in Prison: and the effect & Consequence of that was, that yr: Petitioner was oblig’d to Mortgage all he is worth Real & Personal for Money to Pay the Law charges. 

Your Petitioner has a several times Collected small Sums of Money from his Charitable Christian Neighbours, well wishers, Friends & acquaintances, and has us’d his best endeavours otherwise to free and clear sd: Mortgage, and yet after the best and last endeavours; there remains due on sd: Mortgage the sum of one hundred and Fifty pounds Currancy. 

And there being no human probability, that yr: Petitioner will ever be able to pay this Sum, and Redeem his Mortgage. 

Your Petitioner therefore most humbly Supplicates that Hon’ble Society, to take yr: Petitioner’s case and Circumstances into yr: Serious & Christian consideration, and relieve him out of his present Straits, distress & difficulties in assisting him to Redeem his Mortgage. 

And your Petitioner as in duty bound Shall ever Pray 

                                                               John Cuming 

P.S. If it be objected, that yr: Petitioner gave cause or reason for these troubles, hardships & difficulties yr: Petitioner can appeal to God to the contrary: and that the Original of all was without any just cause or reason. 

I beg leave to give one Instand as a Specimen of the contrary viz: My adversary wrot a letter to Judge Dale, and the Judge sent a Mittimus, and yr: Petitioner was confin’d in Prison above 4 months, without Oaths, Evidence, or a hearing; this I can prove.”16 


There is no indication of what the Society did for Mr. Cuming on this occasion. The following petition is without parallel among the many which recite strange and curious causes of distress:


“To the Hon’ble President and Members of Saint Andrews Club 

The Petition of Elizabeth Russell 

   Humbly Sheweth 

That your Petitioner is a native of Scotland and has resided in this province upwards of fifteen years – That she is married with Alex Chisolm who dyed in and above two years & a half, leading your Petitioner with a Son – That your Petitioner afterwards Intermarried with James Russell, by whom your Petitioner had three children – That her husband by his Dilligence in his trade of a Shoemaker, had earned so much money as enabled him to purchase a Negro wench & Boy – That the said wench poisoned your Petitioner’s husband, herself, and four children – of which poison, her husband and two of the children dyed – and your Petitioner being now in great want & distress –  

Humbly Entreats Your Charitable 

Assistance & Relief and your Petitioner shall pray, etc.”17 


Not infrequently a petitioner was made a regular pensioner of the Society.Hugh Rose was thought to be worthy of being carried as such:


“The Memoreall of Hugh Rose to the Honorred John Cleland Esq. President of the St. Andrews Cloub & to all the Honorred Members of the said society. 

Most humbly Sheweth That I have been suplyed by your Honoures this two years bygone & was Resolved not give your Honorr’s any more trouble but having the Misfortoun after making as great a Crop as Manie in the Provance in proportion to what Land I labored to have it Distroyed by Bears & stolen by Niggro’s I am in my Seventy on years of my age & lives in a Hut & labors for my living as a Niggro & has not neathour clothes nor liquer but the vegatives of the ground to live by & am satisfied with the same until it pleas god to make my living better. 

Your Honorrs Memorealist most Humbly begs you may take in to Consideration the Primessess of this my Memoriall & order for me what charity your Honorrs my judge Proper for to supply my necessitys & ever prays as in duty to God to bless & Prosper your Honorrs & the Members of the Society & am in sincerety & Humility 

Your Honorrs 

Most Humble 

Most Obedant 

& most faithful Sert 

                           Hugh Rose. 

Charleston, November 30th 


That Indians continue to be a factor in the life of South Carolinians after the middle of the eighteenth century is evident from the two following petitions, one of 1767, the other of 1772:




“The Oumbel ptison of Gean Stewart born in the Parish of Loughhunish in the Shier of eare Crisened in Killbargen Church to the onarabel Sicity since I came to this town I have ben partly sick and has had nobody To help me. I have ben very much in want & is now I have ben teaken prisoner By the endiens and keep a long time and my husband was killed by them & I have had nobody to help me but the ornarabel Sicity onarabel Gentelmen I hope youre pitey for lon woman for I am neaked and in great want and not eabel to pay my Reant 

Gean Stewart”19 

“To the Honble the President, and other members of the St. Andrews Society the Petition of James Smith 

Humbly Sheweth 

That your Petitioner who was born in the Shire of Aberdeen, arrived here near forty years ago, & traded with the Creek Indians almost Thirty Years; by which Traffick the acquired what he hoped was competent for his Subsistance in his old Age. When he was about to settle his Affairs & retire from among those barbarous People, he was in one Night deprived of his all.  By this Misfortune he was reduced to Beggary, & is now in want of the common Necessaries of Life, when he is old & infirm, & no longer able to struggle for a Livelyhood – he therefore prays your Honours, to grant him such Relief, as in Y£29 15s.our Wisdom may be thought meet – And your Petitioner as in Duty Bound will every Pray &c – 

Charles Town 30th Novemr 1772      Jas. Smith”20 


But the whole time of the St. Andrews Society, however much it was taken up with this “principle design,” was not given over entirely to the pursuit of benevolence. On the contrary, the members seem to have paid no little attention “to the cultivation and maintenance of a Good Understanding and Acquaintance with one another.” Their anniversary celebration on St. Andrew’s Day early you came an event of great moment in the social life of the city. After Watt was the most important business session of the year, when the officers were elected in the larger charities voted, there followed a dinner attended not only by a majority of the members but also by distinguished guests – the governor, the chief justice, the council, the speaker of the commons house of assembly, and prominent visitors in a colony.

These dinners were, indeed, ”some entertainments.” They were generally held at the great tavern which stood on the northeast corner of Church and Broad Streets, known for a time as “Shepheard’s Tavern” and then as “Dillon’s on the Corner.”21  They were prepared by the best caterers of the day – among them Mr. Henry Gignilliat, Mr. James Kerr, Mr. Charles Shepheard, Mr. Thomas Blythe, Mr. Robert Dillon, Mr. William Holliday, Mrs. or Miss] Frances Swallow, and Mr. Charles Ramadge.22  Though there is no record of the action, it is quite evident that the provision of the rules permitting the president or vice-president to agree “at their Discretion for the Entertainment of the Club for any Sum not exceeding Ten Shillings Sterling a Man” was soon amended. In 1743 the members dined at a cost to each of £3 8s 6d; by 1774 this had increased to £9 12s 2d.23  Mr. Ramadge’s bill on the latter occasion, carrying the items of “Liquor as per Tickets, £174; 50 Dinners, £50; Punch and Grog, £28 10s; Wine & Bitters before Dinner, £3 12s 6d; 5 Bottles Olives, £10; 1 doz. Maderia Wine sent to the Workhouse, £15; 1 Barrell Beer, £15, Anchovies & Bread & Buter, £2 10s; and fruit, £4 10s called for a total settlement of £249 15s.24  There was, however, no alteration of the original rule to the effect that the “Sums for Entertainment shall be paid by the respective members meeting, without the docking any part of the same out of the Society Stock.”  Some time before 1764 the work of preparing for the anniversaries seems to have entirely exceeded the powers of the president and the vice-president, for in that year a board of six stewards was appointed to assist with the preparations.25

In addition to speech-making and other practices common to the meetings of every day and time, there were customs observed on these occasions which were peculiar  to the St. Andrew’s Society.  There was one which probably never failed to arouse the mirth of the company. A committee would be appointed to “enquire jocosely into the condition and conduct of the members.”  Then followed the report which invariably recommended fines for bachelors because they had not married, for the newly married because they ought to pay for their happiness, for those to whom a child had been born because they had the wealth of the family, and finally for those who had none because they could afford to pay.26  In 1769, three who had “got Bairns” were fine £3 each; two who had not refined a sum not to exceed £3; and eight bachelors were “admonished to prevent further inquiries.”  According to another custom a huge snuff mull “ornamented with Cairngorms mounted in silver,” was passed among the members after which, it seems, all sneezed as nearly as possible in unison.27  The records do not say as much, but doubtless there were such toasts as “His Brittanic Majesty,” “The Governor of South Carolina,” and “The Relief of All in Distress.”28 And probably many a Scottish song was sung.

In the colonial period there were five presidents of the St. Andrew’s Society: Alexander Skene (1730-1740); James Abercromby (1740-1745); John Cleland (1745-1760); John Moultrie (1760-1771); and John Stuart (1772-1775).29

The first was discussed in chapter I.  Of James Abercromby little is known save that in the year previous to this election to the presidency he was attorney-general of South Carolina.30  The new record of John Cleland’s career has been permitted to become equally obscure.  Like Skene, he was a member of the governor’s council, receiving his appointment five years after he became president of the Society.31  John Moultrie was a native of Culross, Shire of Fife, Scotland. He came to South Carolina early in the eighteenth century a return to Scotland where he received the M.D. degree from Edinburgh University. He was again in Charles Town before November 30, 1730, for on that day he signed the rules of the Society.  Here he became a successful physician.  This five sons, four of whom rose to prominence in public life, where all members of the Society, and one (Gen. William Moultrie) became president.32

Jon Stuart, the last president of the colonial period, is in many respects the most vivid personality of the five. It seems that he came to America from Scotland in 1733 with General James Oglethorpe. From that time until 1760 little is known of his activities, except that he became a member of the St. Andrew’s Society in 1748. His interests in this period, whatever they may have been, must have brought him into contact with the Cherokee Indians, for an incident which occurred in 1760 shows that he stood high in the regard at that time. Fort Lundon, a frontier post on the Tennessee River where Mr. Stuart was serving as second in command, was taken by the Cherokees. Some of the garrison were massacred, but Mr. Stuart was not only spared but through the efforts of Chief Attakullakulla a means for his escape was contrived.  Three years after this he was appointed General Agent and Superintendent of his Majesty’s Indian Affairs for the southern district which included all the colonies south of Maryland. This office entitled him to a seat in the council of each of these provinces. He acquired a great influence over the Indians and was suspected of using this power against the American cause as the Revolution approached.  When these suspicions were laid before the Provincial Congress of South Carolina in 1775, Mr. Stuart withdrew from Charles Town. It is generally believed that he devoted himself to an effort to arouse the Indians against the colonists, but of this there is no absolute certainty. His death occurred in Pensacola, Florida, in 1779. Mr. Stuart’s Charleston residence was the house which stands on the northwest corner of Tradd and Orange streets.  Mr. George Roupell, another staunch Loyalist, occupied a house which stood near by,  From this the block was spoken of during and for some time after the theRevolution as “Tory Row.”  Mr. Stuart’s residence, along with his other property, was confiscated in 1782.33 






  1. 1.        For a more complete discussion of these records see the bibliographical note. 
  2. 2.        The Edward Crisp Map, copy in the South Carolina Historical Society. 
  3. 3.        South Carolina Gazette, the first number of which appeared January 8, 1732.  There was an earlier paper but no copies are extant. 
  4. 4.        South Carolina Gazette, December 9, 1732. 
  5. 5.        There are frequent references to the members as if they were all Scotchmen, e. g. Way, Wm., History of     the New England Society, p. 188. 
  6. 6.        This estimate is based on the secretary’s reports for this period, Filing Box No. 1.  An alphabetical list of members dated 1774 gives 104 names. 
  7. 7.        This count is based on the list of members printed with the Rules of 1892. 
  8. 8.        Professor P. M. Hamer, of the University of Tennessee, tells me that he has seen this certificate among Oucconastotah’s papers which are now in the Library of Congress.  Oucconastotah was made a member of the Society about 1773.  Roster of Members
  9. 9.        Treasurer’s reports for 1739 and 1746, Filing Box No. 1.  It should be remembered, however, that these fees were, in all probability, paid in currency.  In 1739 one pound sterling was equivalent to eight pounds currency; in 1748 the ratio was 1 to 7.  Wallace, D.D., The Life of Henry Laurens(1915),  p. 53. 
  10. 10.     For copies of this will and inventory see Filing Box No. 6
  11. 11.     Filing Box No. 3
  12. 12.     South Carolina Gazette, December 8, 1732. 
  13. These figures are based on treasurer’s reports, Filing Box No. 1.  For the bond of £823 13s 6d, see Filing Box No. 6.
  14. 14.     Treasurer’s report of 1780, Filing Box No. 1
  15. 15.     This statement is based on slightly more than 200 petitions for charity, Filing Box No. 3
  16. 16.     Filing Box No. 3
  17. 17.     Ibid., this petition unfortunately bears no date, and I have not been able to find the name of the petitioner on the treasurer’s reports. 
  18. 18.     Ibid
  19. 19.     Ibid
  20. 20.     Ibid
  21. 21.     I have taken these names from the dinner bills.  They are arranged chronologically, Filing Box No. 2.  I learned the name of the tavern from Miss Eola Willis’ articles on Taverns and Coffeehouses in The Charleston Evening Post,clippings in Charleston Library Society. 
  22. 22.     Again it must be remembered that these amounts are probably given in currency; see note 13 above.  Filing Box No. 2
  23. 23.     Filing Box No. 2
  24. 24.     Filing Box No. 1
  25. 25.     For an account of this custom see King, Mitchell, Address Delivered in the First Presbyterian Church before the St. Andrew’s Society, 1829 (edition of 1892), p. 68.  For copies of the reports of the committee see Filing Box No. 6
  26. 26.     Concerning this snuff mull see notes to the illustrations. 
  27. 27.     These were familiar toasts of later days.  For several lists see Filing Box No. 6
  28. 28.     There is some doubt as to just when Mr. Stuart’s term ended; see ch. III, note 5. 
  29. 29.     McCrady, Ed., South Carolina Under the Royal Government.  (1899), p. 804. 
  30. 30.     Ibid., pp. 288, 712; King, M., op. cit, p. 65. 
  31. 31.     King, M., op. cit., p. 65, and South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, V, p. 242. 
  32. 32.     Lee, S. (ed.), Dictionary of National Biography, LV, pp. 98-101; McCrady, Ed., South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780, index; Ravene, Mrs. St. Julien, Charleston, The Place and The People, p. 172; Professor Hamer, who is making a study of the life of John Stuart, examined the St. Andrew’s Society’s records last month and concluded that the date of his admission was 1748. 


Officers 2010

2011 Tentative Meeting Dates

Jan 31 - Mon

Feb 28 - Mon

Mar 31 - Thurs

Apr 28 - Thurs

May 31 - Thrus

Jun 30 Thurs

Sep 29 - Thurs

Oct 27 - Thurs

Ladies Night

Nov 29 - Tues

(Pending Chas Place Contract)

Dec 29 - Thurs

2012 Tentative Meeting Dates

Jan 31 - Tues

Feb 28 - Tues

Mar 29 - Thurs

Apr 30 - Mon

May 31 - Thurs

Jun 28 - Thurs

Steak Cookout CYC?

Sep 29 - Thurs

Oct 30 - Tues

Nov 29 - Thurs

Noon business meeting and evening banquet pending Chas Place availability.

Dec 29 - Thurs